G&A LÀ GÌ

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This weekend, the Group of trăng tròn major economies will convene for a top-màn chơi meeting in Rome. The bloc’s nations represent some two-thirds of humanity, 85 percent of all global economic output and all of the world’s biggest greenhouse gas emitters. They encompass the world’s most powerful governments và many of its biggest multinational corporations. Where the G-đôi mươi goes, the rest of the planet is inextricably bound to follow.


That’s especially true now, as the G-trăng tròn deliberations function as a de faclớn precursor to lớn next week’s United Nations COP26 climate summit in Glasgow, Scotl&. The latter has been cast by organizers và activists alượt thích as a defining moment for climate action, though expectations have sầu lowered amid major gaps between various governments & environmental campaigners on the way forward.


Much of what may define COP26 as a success may — or may not — be thrashed out in the Roman neighborhood where President Biden and his G-trăng tròn counterparts are soon to lớn gather. The neighborhood was designed eight decades ago by Italy’s fascist government, but the venue for the G-trăng tròn sessions will be a futuristic, glass-encased convention center known as “the Cloud.”


“It was to lớn be a place where you wouldn’t be bound by antiquity,” Luca Ribichini, a professor of architecture at Rome’s Sapienza University, to my colleague Chiteo Harlan. “It was supposed lớn personify the new modernity.”


The G-đôi mươi seems to lớn embody something broader about our contemporary moment, too. The bloc first met at the over of the last century in the shadow of the Asian financial crisis. A decade later, it was a G-trăng tròn summit that helped mobilize the global response to the 2008 financial crisis, generating commitments of over one trillion dollars in government spending to lớn restore credit, growth and jobs. As a diễn đàn including both the traditional 20th century powers of the West as well as emerging giants of the developing world, it rose as the defining bloc of the post-Cold War order. Its meetings became the top sự kiện on the annual geopolitical calendar.

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That picture is less clear now. The differences within the bloc and its inability to lớn take on any semblance of an ambitious, collective agendomain authority reflects a deeper drift in international politics. The G-trăng tròn has been sluggish in its response to lớn the coronavirut pandemic, even though its countries have secured the vast majority of the world’s vaccine supply. Political differences between countries now drown out shared economic interests, with bloc members bearing their hatchets to lớn Rome.


The G-20′s organizing philosophy — tethered around support for international cooperation and rejection of protectionist policies — has weakened in the face of ascendant nationalists around the world. During his stint in office, President Donald Trump managed to make every G-trăng tròn event he attended an arena for angry confrontation và abrasive competition.


The mood may be less testy this time in Rome, not least because Trump is out of power và neither Russian President Vladimir Putin nor Chinese President Xi Jinping look likely to be in attendance. Modest wins will include agreements on a notional global minimum tax rate for big companies — though implementing these measures on national levels may take considerable time — as well as pledges khổng lồ help slash global methane emissions by 30 percent by the next decade. But curbing methane, as European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen recently stated, “is the lowest-hanging fruit.”


Far thornier debates over fossil fuels may not be settled. Biden comes to lớn Europe seeking khổng lồ lead a united front on climate action, but he is hobbled by politics at home, where some lawmakers have eaten away at his ambitious climate plan và defended the interests of major fossil fuel companies. His weakened h& is not aided by major divisions within the G-đôi mươi over how khổng lồ wean the world off coal & what realistic targets should guide the bloc’s climate agenda.

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“The United States is pressing Trung Quốc khổng lồ mix more ambitious commitments for when it will peak its carbon emissions và offer specifics about Xi’s promise to stop financing coal-fired power plants abroad,” my colleagues reported last week. “Absent those actions, global temperature increases are expected to lớn surpass 2 degrees Celsius (3.6 Fahrenheit) in the coming years, resulting in a rise of extreme weather events, hurricanes, droughts, forest fires, loss of biodiversity, and food & water scarcity.”


But the Biden administration is hardly a trendsetter, either. “The United States has been loath khổng lồ join a push by Italy and the United Kingdom for coal phaseouts at trang chủ and abroad, across the G-trăng tròn,” explained the New Republic’s Kate Aronoff. “China pledged in September to lớn stop financing coal projects abroad, although the country has ramped up coal-fired power generation in recent months after catastrophic flooding inundated mines in one of the country’s biggest coal-producing regions.”


Last week, the heads of governments of a handful of smaller countries, including Sweden, Irel&, the Marshall Islands and Costa Rica, released an open letter lớn the G-trăng tròn, urging radical action from the world’s “largest emitters and wealthiest countries.”


“We also need lớn see concrete strategies on how they will reach climate neutrality by 2050,” the letter added, before gesturing to lớn unfulfilled promises of climate financing for poorer countries on the front lines of climate change: “And crucially, we Điện thoại tư vấn on all donor countries lớn show solidarity and deliver on the financing promise of $100 billion annually.”


What happens in Italy will be a major sign for what can be accomplished in Scotland. “In some ways we’ll know how this movie is going to lớn turn out by the end of the G-20 summit in Rome,” Alden Meyer, a senior associate with retìm kiếm group E3G, told Bloomberg News. “Either we’re going lớn have sầu agreement and we go into lớn Glasgow with a tail wind, & we’re able to lớn figure out how lớn start khổng lồ implement it. Or we go in with a pretty big split and it being very difficult khổng lồ resolve those differences.”


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